
The Iranian Air Force was greatly limited by the sanctions for many years, and they were in a position where they could only use a fleet of outdated aircraft. The majority of their fighters are of the Cold War era, while their stock is mainly made up of American and Russian aircraft. Hard work was required to keep the jets flying, but these aircraft were and are still far from the modern standards.

Hence, the effort to take over the Su-35 fighter jets from Russia attracted a lot of attention. With the termination of the UN-imposed limitations in 2020, Tehran was eventually able to carry out transactions for state-of-the-art equipment; logics pointed to the Su-35 as a turning point in the air force renewal plans.

Relations between Iran and Russia have only gotten better over the last few years. Cut off from the Western markets, Moscow elevated the pitch to Tehran for assistance by ordering large quantities of drones and other devices. In exchange, Russia would supply advanced platforms such as the Su-35s, Mi-28 combat helicopters, and Yak-130 trainers. This trade has alarmed both Washington and regional powers, who interpret this rearrangement of relations as a new factor that might further destabilize an already volatile Middle East.

Iran can only picture a very far step made possible by the Su-35 itself. Designed in 2014, the fighter is a very capable one for aerial superiority, with the most modern avionics, vectoring of the thrust of engines, and the use of a broad range of weapons. The gradual extension of the current air force, based on the F-4 Phantoms, F-5 Tigers, and several MiG-29s, the Su-35 shows the Iranian officials as a deterrent, a safe weapon in their hands in case of homeland conflict situations.

Still, it is not going to be easy to actually get the Su-35 into flight. They are operating in different circumstances that urge a different and more sophisticated setup of systems like radar, electronic warfare, and so on. Iran has its engineering base for the new and more advanced air force, and that is why there are yet more questions raised as to how maintenance, spare parts, and standardization with the existing command network are going to be met. Upgrading communications and operational planning massively increases what will link the Su-35 to older aircraft and systems.

The regional response has been quick. Israel, which has a highly developed fleet including tens of F-35 stealth fighters, saw the agreement on Su-35 as an annoying move. The Israeli officials, from what has been reported, have tried to convince Moscow to postpone the sale to maintain security in Syria and Lebanon. Regardless of this, the Gulf Arab states that are already concerned about Iran’s growing missile and drone capabilities are reevaluating their military preparedness, and in some instances, they are buying more sophisticated weapons for themselves.

To Western eyes, this is a textbook example of the limits of sanctions and embargoes. No doubt Iran will get only a limited number of Su-35s. However, what is really important in the deal is the message implied. It shows that even after years of isolation, Tehran is not cut off from access to the most sophisticated technologies, a reality that considerably complicates security planning in the region.

On the other hand, the deal is not that much of a game-changer in the short term as the headlines would have it. In terms of new aircraft, Iran will not be able to take quantity to the next level but rather quality. The number of Su-35s is expected to be less than twenty-four at most, which is very far from the modern fleet of F-35s and other advanced aircraft of Israel. These will indeed improve Iran’s capabilities and its deterrent force, but it is unlikely that they will shift the balance in a confrontation with Israel or U.S. forces.

It also sends a message about the practical relationship between Moscow and Tehran. Russia is looking forward to expanding its sphere of influence and having a dependable partner, whilst Iran, in return, is eager to update its military without being caught up in Russia’s other wars. Most likely, both of them seem to be okay with the deal being transactional rather than them being official allies, giving them the freedom to do their own thing when necessary.

Practically, support may become even closer; they may also work together on production, match their missile and drone strengths more closely, and simply integrate advanced technologies. Despite their expectations, the roadblock at various stages of the journey remains a reality: issues of schedules, training, the technical side of things, and political complications can slow progress.

For the majority of the strategists in the region who deal with the Su-35 is more than just a sale of a weapon. It indicates a shifting of allegiances and deterrence tactics, thereby bringing one more layer of the unknown to a territory that is already saddled with tension and conflicting desires.
